The Ukraine without a seatbelt

He suddenly stopped when I flagged him down in front of the tobacco kiosk at 38 Shevchenko Avenue, just a few meters from the hotel where I had stayed, a fully renovated yet imposing building casting you back to Soviet times. I priced the trip to the airport at 150 drivnas and hopped into the taxi.

Blond, stocky and with a typical 80’s brown “bomber" jacket. In his mid-30’s, the taxi driver certainly reacted to the perception one has of the citizens of this Eastern country. Astonishingly, he contemplated me as I tried unsuccessfully to wear a seat belt in the back seat of the car. My jaw must have dropped as he mockingly said, "you're the first person to try and put that on! In Ukraine we do not need the seat belt," he jeered. The remaining 40 minutes that would take for the trip to Borispol International Airport appeared to me endless . His promise of careful driving did not add any comfort.

Although I am not one to talk to strangers, conversations with taxi drivers are frequently inevitable in almost all parts of the world. Most of them choose to liven up the trip with comments on the state of traffic, the weather, the latest outrageous comment made by a local politician or even mundane life stories.

Vasily was his name. He sparked interest in me when confessing he had been a well to do lawyer by profession. For over 10 years he had worked at an oil company whose name he would not reveal. I admitted my failure after trying several times to persuade him to drop the name with no success. In spite of having a good position, the economic crisis crippling his country cost him his job and thus forced him to spend his days behind the wheel. Instantly I recalled the nervous waiter that served me some Ukrainian dim sum the night before; the young hippie-looking lady making earrings and bracelets at the market of Andreessky passageway; the boy from whom I bought 2 boxes of cigarettes, and pondered what sort of lives they could have previously led.

In the last decade Ukraine has gone through serious political and economic chaos, the most serious since the breakup of the USSR. The citizens of this former Russian colony are fully aware that in order to overcome the crisis, the country needs to achieve political stability.

Former President Viktor Yushchenko’s victory in 2004 brought a glimmer of hope to the Ukraine and with it great expectations. Nevertheless, his Orange Revolution failed to place him not only in Ukrainian but also European history. Vassily could only express his disappointment for the broken orange promises on democracy, prosperity and stability of the pro-Western government that found itself entangled with internal bickering and disorder.

With cautious disbelief he told me about the new scenario introduced by current President Yanukovych, a leader much friendlier to Moscow and who has strengthened Ukraine’s relations with the Kremlin. In the middle of their ride he waved his arms about and complained that some of the measures the new government has taken are not seen as particularly democratic. He explicitly referred to the agreement they signed with Russia in April 2010. It extends the presence of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in the Crimean city of Sebastopol in exchange of cheaper gas for a further 25 years.

The same disapproval was conveyed to me on this matter by several energy experts I met in Kiev during my visit. They could not help but be concerned by the political implications of this economic deal. It gives way for Russia to continue influencing the Ukraine and other EU countries, given that 80% of Russian gas to the EU is transited via Ukraine. “Let Russia join in Ukraine and the EU to reform the Ukrainian gas pipe lines” Vasily added, invading my thoughts, but “have them play the new rules of the game”. As if that would be enough to prevent Russia from wanting to seize regulation of European energy streams.

On my way to the airport I felt as though I were being chaperoned by the imposing billboards of the Ukrainian President. The constant presence of the stocky and arrogant President (a former director of USSR automotive factories) was being used to brand the campaign of the ruling Party of Regions for the upcoming local elections on October 31. I recalled the symbols of the past Soviet aesthetic, a taste for the glorification of their leader. This was not such a farfetched idea. The previous day the Ukraine's Constitutional Court decided to cancel reforms made in the 2004 Constitution, thus allowing the political system to relapse into a presidential system of power. Under this new law, it is the president, not the prime minister, who would control the executive branch of power.

As if my companion was clairvoyant, or perhaps also struck by the numerous giant placards of his President, Vasily commented that the idea of having a strong and functioning state was welcome to ordinary citizens like himself, “at least we do not foresee elections on the horizon” he giggled, indicating what he perceived as some kind of long-awaited stability. Curiously, only a few hours earlier the new amendments to the Constitution had been strongly criticised by civil associations for not seeking to balance the interest of the Ukrainian society, but rather preserving the established power.

I wandered through Kiev and observed in great detail the locals, the activity on the streets and the great contrast between luxurious Humvees and unreliable East German Trabants. It appeared clearer that civil society did not have a big impact on policy making or public opinion. Authorities seemed to be much more concentrated on their own activities, like reforming the Constitution, reinforcing the secret services or the head of state. Since some of the necessary reforms are not in line with the oligarchs’ interest, they are not expected to take place. “Given such circumstances, corruption, one of Ukraine´s largest problems, has total freedom” I said to myself.

Ukraine stood before me as a country in need of greater exterior support and signals that the old times were gone and authoritarianism was no longer accepted. Although EU officials believe it is too early to judge whether Ukraine should join the EU or not, they do praise the country’s domestic reforms, which are indeed at the core of the EU’s agenda. On the other hand, some Ukrainian diplomats admit that had Ukraine witnessed more signs of commitment towards a potential EU membership, it would have been easier to trigger its citizen’s mobilisation for the needed reforms.

The Ukraine had amazed me from the very first time I set foot on its soil. Though determined to continue its good economic relations with Russia, the authorities no longer want to perceive the dilemma as east vs west. They claim the Ukraine has a European identity and argue that the EU is unwilling to acknowledge this.

Europeans, yes. But how informed is the Ukrainian society on the EU? I was eager to find out. It did not take me long to notice what I had already suspected and Vasily would later corroborate: the Ukraine’s public perception of the EU is not very strong. According to official sources in Kiev, 2 out of 3 Ukrainians would like their country to take steps forward towards EU integration. But does this imply a good understanding of what the EU entails? Not necessarily, as I could see for myself.

Two hours from Kiev and accompanied by a group of colleagues from different European countries, I had been greeted by local residents in the rural communities of Zhovtneve. A choir of children lined up at the entrance of the school, dressed in what appeared to be outfits they reserve for special occasions or traditional celebrations. They were singing and waving hand-made European Union flags. Amongst what the visiting journalists considered to be an unnecessary fuss ornamented with well-rehearsed speeches was a big loaf of bread offered to us as a present. I witnessed how the EU funding had helped this community to install double glazed windows in its school, thus protecting the young pupils from the outside elements during winter. However, when asked what they knew about the EU, the school children responded very vaguely under the watchful eye of their teacher, ever determined to give the politically correct answer on their behalf.

I was given a similar impression by youths amongst dazzling lights adorning the night in central Kiev. Their awareness of the EU did not go beyond the concept of it simply becoming an economic protector, which they hoped to be much closer to one day. Vasily went straight to the point when he stated “for us the EU is seen as an attractive and rich entity”. The EU has invested some 20 billion dollars in the Ukraine to promote the much needed political and economic reforms. But in the opinion of some of the Ukraine’s experts and representatives of the European Business Association in Kiev, a large part of this money has been wasted and has not reached the goals it aimed. Whereas in rural communities the outcome of the EU help is quite visible, the large scale changes remain to be accomplished.

The lack of a deep knowledge on the EU came to me as no surprise, as only 14% of the Ukrainian population has travelled to any of the EU27, hence having a very low exposure to it. Several factors explain this low figure, amongst the most important is the geographical distance, the low and poor availability of transport and last, but not least, the VISA regime. The VISA liberalisation remains a huge demand from the Ukrainian government. If there is one matter Ukrainian NGO’s and officials could agree on, it is their criticism of the humiliating procedures citizens have to go through in order to obtain a VISA. “Where are the European principles of the old Europe when it comes to this issue?” Vasily asked me begrudgingly. I failed to find the proper answer.

He was of the opinion that the Ukraine’s public perception on the EU would increase if the free VISA liberalisation took place. “We would need a sign from the EU that you want us”, he roundly affirmed. Both Vasily and EU officials in Kiev acknowledge that his country would have to meet certain criteria and solve some issues, such as the total control of its own borders, issues concerning data protection and human trafficking. These are crucial factors that could jeopardise any attempt of moving forward in this matter. This will be one of the focal points of the EU-Ukraine summit on November 22nd.

Before I realised it they had arrived at their destination. By this point I was already convinced of the priceless value this lawyer cum taxi driver’s outlook had demonstrated. Because of this I would be able to grasp a more realistic image of the country I was about to leave. I gladly gave Vasily 200 drivnas regardless of the 150 we had agreed upon when setting off.

Although short, on the way to the terminal I had to make great efforts to dodge through dozens of people who cluttered the entrance with all kinds of makeshift suitcases. In the midst of this crowd a curious thought penetrated my mind: if many decades ago time dragged on as a witness, nowadays planes rob from us the time we would need to better comprehend the new reality we are about to embark upon.